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Political Diary
Market Fails Jobs: ILO CHANGE NEP, STRATEGIES, By Shivaji Sarkar, 1 April 2024 |
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Economic Highlights
New
Delhi, 1 April, 2024
Market Fails Jobs: ILO
CHANGE NEP, STRATEGIES
By Shivaji Sarkar
As the
country gears up for one of its most interesting elections, the economy
requires significant improvement to address the challenges, as highlighted by
the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and official indicators, which
reveal a deteriorating situation concerning jobs and official stats of a 31
percent decline in foreign direct investments (FDI).
Ambitious
government projections of $3 to 5 trillion economy and other figures apparently
are not in sync. A rise in the stock market is not supported by strong
indicators else FDI cannot fall so drastically at a critical political
juncture.
The country
is receiving short-term fly-by-night foreign portfolio investments at stock
markets. The FDI indicates the investor confidence in the system. It is
promised but is not actually flowing in. There are UNCTAD studies that show
interest in India, but the actual flow has usually been weak. India’s
inequality is attracting attention of world powers.
The
Inequality Report 2022 brought out by Institute of Competitiveness on the basis
of Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) 2019-20 finds that monthly salary of Rs
25,000 puts a person among the top wages earned. It is interpreted as a
challenge to securing development with dignity to all and actual growth.
The ILO
report is vocal about the employment challenge that cannot be left to the
markets alone. Production in manufacturing is becoming capital intensive. Without
high manufacturing growth, employment generation might continue to disappoint.
Is it for that reason the government investing in the construction and real
estate? It is internationally accepted that about two-thirds of infra
investments are frittered away in various kinds of cuts. Be it Southeast Asia
or any other region, infra investments have resulted in severe meltdowns.
India’s
youth employment profile suggests country passing through a difficult phase.
Share of youth who are not in employment, education or training has averaged
29.2 percent between 2010 and 2019, the highest in the subcontinent. There is
high proportion of unemployed educated youth even as industry complains of a
shortage of skilled jobs.
The
report emphasises on the broken link between education and employment. “A large
proportion of highly educated young men and women, including the technically
educated, are overqualified for the job they have”. It is a reflection on the
education system and the New Education Policy (NEP) that stress on an extended
four-year-undergraduate degree course and high qualifications of PhD. This is a
common phenomenon across the country as youth with such unusually high
qualifications pine for blue-collar public sector jobs in the hope of job
security. About 3700 PhDs applied for the post of a peon in Uttar Pradesh
police where class 5 was the eligibility criterion.
It's an unsavoury
comment on the education system and the private sector, which have thrown even
the basic labour laws to the wind. The ILO report stresses on 1) promoting job
creation; 2) improving employment quality; 3) addressing labour market
inequalities; 4) strengthening skills and active labour market policies; and 5)
bridging the knowledge deficits on labour market patterns and youth employment.
The NEP does not answer these questions.
It flags
the challenges of addressing inequalities, improving quality of jobs and fixing
asymmetries in the labour market. A State Bank of India study on women’s
collectives brings out the gains through aspiring lakhpatididis. However,
on income, employment and human capital there is still a distance to cover.
The ILO
report calls for giving primacy to labour intensive manufacturing employment to
absorb the unskilled labour. A comparison with China’s shortfall in
infrastructure funding promises to SE Asia on Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)
may be a lesson for India, as per study of Syndey’s Lowy Institute. It is a
pointer to the huge gap in funding and long gestation period. Only 35 percent
of infra projects seen through completion. The funding is falling through by
$50 billion. The Lowy report is a caution for India for desisting from
investing in infra projects. Poor quality of constructions of bridges and other
infra, including too many roads in Maharashtra, Gujarat of Bihar are
testimonies for the failures.
Women
are often not preferred for jobs as these entail maternity and child care
benefits. About 53.3 percent of the female workforce was self employed in 2019.
It rose to 62 percent in 2022. Many of them are employed but paid low or no
wages.
The weak
consumption data in the GDP numbers indicate that over the past decade
inflation-adjusted earnings of regular salaried and self-employed persons
declined. Perhaps, it is the post-demonetisation syndrome that devastated the
small and medium entrepreneurs.
An issue
that the reports have not discussed is the marginalisation of the public sector
companies and gradual disinvestment. A fall out is testified by the electoral
bond donations. The Rs 12000 plus crore donations are grim pointers that the
private sector functions on the principles of giving donations and in return
getting back expensive projects.
These
are dependent on the government doles at the cost of PSUs. A real private
sector has not yet emerged in this country. This has been the pattern in the
licence-permit raj as well and continues in era of liberalisation. Why should a
country foster such unethical business model? Much of the failings underlined by
the ILO or PLFS are grim reminders of poor consumption and a failing business
system.
The
nation needs to ponder why it should dip into high debts which has annual
repayment of over Rs 10 lakh crore exponentially squeezing the actual budgetary
allocation to around Rs 37 lakh crore, far away of from $3 trillion target. A
policy review is called for the entire financial system, manufacturing,
employment and New Education Policy.
The
country is on experimentation spree and has yet to stabilise its policies. The high prices are obstructions. Parliament
is unnecessarily busy in making laws or redrafting the old ones. No wonder the
chief economic advisor, the highest think tank, says the government can’t solve
the problem of unemployment. Post poll
all national and regional parties and institutions must come together to
redraft the sustainable growth path and manufacturing policies, including
revival of PSUs for proper quality job creation, a strong ILO suggestion. ---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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SUPREME COURT GOES WRONG, By Inder Jit, 28 March 2024 |
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REWIND
New
Delhi, 28 March 2024
SUPREME COURT GOES WRONG
By Inder Jit
(Released on 13 March 1984)
The
Supreme Court’s judgment on electronic voting has been dismissed widely as of
little consequence. Most people feel it matters little whether they vote by
ballot or through an electronic machine. Yet the verdict deserves greater
attention of the nation than it has received so far. It goes way beyond the
Court’s decision to set aside the election of a Kerala MLA. The judgment has raised a basic issue of vital importance to the provision
of free and fair elections in India. Since free and fair elections are the
bedrock of any democracy worth its name, several questions arise. Who is to
ensure free and fair elections under the Constitution? The Election Commission
or Parliament? Which of the two is the apex body in matters relating to
election? Can the Election Commission ignore Parliament? Or vice versa, can
Parliament ride roughshod over the Election Commission? Whose view should
prevail in the event of a clash of opinion? What was the basic scheme and
approach of the founding fathers of the Constitution?
First
the judgment. A division bench of the Court has held that the Election
Commission’s order directing the casting of ballot by machines was without
jurisdiction according to the law. More important, the court disagreed with the
contention of Mr Ram Jethmalani and Mr Asoke Sen, who appeared for the
respondent and the Election Commission respectively, that the Constitution gave
complete powers to the Commission for the conduct of elections under Article
324. The judges observed that the provisions of the Constitution could never
have intended to make the Commission an apex body in respect of matters
relating to the elections and conferring on it legislative powers ignoring
Parliament altogether. If the Commission was armed with such unlimited and
arbitrary powers, the judges observed, if it ever happens that the person
manning the Commission shares or is wedded to a political havoc or to bring
about a Constitutional crisis, it could set at naught the integrity and
independence of the electoral process, so important to and indispensable in the
democratic system.
The
bench said that such an absolute and uncanalised power given to the Commission
without providing any guidelines would itself destroy the basic structure of
the rule of law, adding “it is manifest such a disastrous consequence could
never have been contemplated by the Constitution makers.” Hence the judges
said: “We construe Article 324 to 329 would reveal that the legislative powers
in respect to matters relating to Parliament or State legislature vest in
Parliament and no other body, and the Commission would come into the picture
only if no provision has been made by Parliament in regard to the elections to
Parliament or the State legislature.” The judges said furthermore: “The power
under Article 324 relating to superintendence, direction and control was
actually vesting of merely all the executive powers and not the legislative
powers.” It was pertinent to indicate that the Kerala High Court, which had
upheld the election of Mr Pillai, “fell into an obvious fallacy by acceptance
of the position that the direction of the Commission was intended to operate in
an uncovered field.”
The founding fathers were anxious to ensure free and fair
elections and therefore, created an independent Election Commission which would
function without fear or favour. Accordingly,
Article 324(1) of the Constitution provides “The superintendence, direction and
control of the preparation of the electoral rolls for, and the conduct of,
elections to Parliament and to the legislature of every state and of elections
to the offices of President and Vice President held under this Constitution
shall be vested in a Commission (referred to in this Constitution as the
Election Commission)”. However, all this would have been meaningless without
protecting the independence of the Chief Election Commissioner, therefore, the
founding fathers also provided under Section 5 of the same Article that “the
Chief Election Commissioner shall not be removed from his office except in like
manner and on like grounds as a judge of the Supreme Court”. Further, “the
conditions of service of the Chief Election Commissioner shall not be varied to
his disadvantage after his appointment.”
Not many
remember that the founding fathers deliberately and advisedly picked the three
words superintendence, direction and control from Article 14 of the Government
of India Act of 1935. This key article, it needs to be pointed out, was
specially designed to give the Secretary of State absolute power to supervise,
direct and control the functioning of the Governor General of India, who was
authorised even to act “in his discretion” and “exercise his individual
judgment”. In fact, a Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court held in 1978 that
the power of the Commission in the superintendence, direction and control is
unfettered and over-riding. Parliament, is no doubt, empowered under Article
327 to legislate or certain aspects of the elections, such as making provision
with respect to elections to legislatures. But the crucial point to remember
here is this: all such legislation is
subject to the absolute power accorded to the Election Commission to conduct a
free and fair poll (italics mine).
In
practice, the three words superintendence, direction and control - also give
the Election Commission two vital far-reaching rights; to virtually legislate
and to be informed. The Chief Election Commissioner is empowered to legislate
through “direction”, implement the legislation through “superintendence” and
interpret the legislation through “control”. Every little detail in regard to
the conduct of elections comes under his overall control, direction and
superintendence through Section (6) of Article 324 of the Constitution which
provides: “The President, or the Governor of a State, shall, when so requested
by the Election Commission, make available to the Election Commission or to a
Regional Commissioner such staff as may be necessary for the discharge of the
functions conferred on the Election Commission by clause (1)". Experts tell me that
the word staff does not mean merely officials or clerks of the State. The word
embraces everyone under the umbrella of either the Centre or the State
Government, including the police and the army.
The Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court held in the
Mohinder Singh Gill case in 1978 that “the
Constitution contemplates a free and fair election and vests comprehensive
responsibilities of superintendence, direction and control of the conduct of
elections in the Election Commission. This responsibility may cover powers,
duties, and functions of many sorts, administrative or other, depending on the
circumstances.” It conceded that “when appropriate laws
are made under Article 327 by Parliament as well as under Article 328 by the
State legislatures, the Commission has to act in conformity with those laws and
the other legal provisions made thereunder.” Nevertheless, it made it clear
that both these articles “are ‘subject to the provisions’ of the Constitution
which include Article 324 and 329.” It added: “since the conduct of all
elections...is vested under Article 324(1) in the Election Commission, the
framers of the Constitution took care leaving scope for exercise of residuary
powers by the Commission in its own right, as a creature of the Constitution,
in the infinite variety of situations that may emerge from time to time in such
a large democracy as ours.”
Not only
that. The Court further explained: “Every contingency could not be foreseen or
anticipated with precision. That is why there in no hedging in Article 324. The
Commission may be required to cope with some situation which may not be
provided for in the enacted law and the rules. That seems to be the raison d’etre
for the opening clause in Article 327 and 328 which leaves the exercise of
power under Article 324 operative and effective when it is reasonably called for
in a vacuous area.” The Court further held: “Once the appointment is made by
the President, the Election Commission remains insulated from extraneous
influences, and that cannot be achieved unless it has an amplitude of powers in
the conduct of elections of course in accordance with the existing laws. But
where these are absent… he must lawfully exercise his powers independently, in
all matters relating to the conduct of elections, and see that the election
process is completed properly, in a free and fair manner”.
The
basic issue boils down to this: which is the apex body for the superintendence,
direction and control of the elections: Parliament or the Election Commission?
In the case of the Kerala MLA, the Election Commission took the view that it
had the necessary constitutional and statutory powers to go ahead with
electronic voting under Article 324. But the Supreme Court has held that it was
not open to the Commission to do so “at its own sweet will.” In support of its
contention, the Court has argued that the powers of the Commission were “meant
to supplement rather than supplant the law.” It has also stated that the
Commission could not be given “unlimited and arbitrary powers” as this could
have “disastrous consequences” which could “never have been contemplated by the
Constitution makers.” But in taking this stand, the Supreme Court appears to
have overlooked the ultimate check provided by the founding fathers against the
Commission going berserk. Article 324 also provides that the Chief Election
Commissioner can be removed by Parliament in a like manner and on like grounds
as a judge of the Supreme Court.
What
next? We have now before us the judgment of a three-member Division bench of
the Supreme Court comprising Mr Justice Murtaza Fazl Ali, Mr Justice Varadarajan
and Mr Justice R. Misra. We also have the judgment of the five-member
Constitution Bench comprising Mr. Justice M. H. Beg, Mr Justice P.N. Bhagwati,
Mr Justice Krishna Iyer, Mr Justice P.K. Goswami and Mr Justice P.N. Singhal in
the Mohinder Singh Gill case. Obviously, the latest verdict holds the field.
The Union Law Minister, Mr J.N. Kaushal, told the Rajya Sabha on Friday that
the law as now laid down by the Supreme Court's judgment “is unexceptionable.”
But the Opposition and some constitutional experts hold a different view. Some
even describe the judgment as “retrograde and preposterous”. (Criticism of a
judgment is permitted so long as motives are not attributed.) Mr L.K. Advani
suggested that either the Government or the Election Commission should approach
the Supreme Court for a review. This, he said, was necessary to restore independence
of the Election Commission and to ensure free and fair elections. The
suggestion deserves to be accepted since the Supreme Court has gone wrong in
virtually reducing the power of the Election Commission from superintendence,
direction and control of elections to mere superintendence. An issue of
fundamental importance is involved --- INFA.
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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PM Modi in Bhutan: SOLIDIFYING HISTORICAL TIES, 29 March 2024 |
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Round The World
New Delhi, 29 March 2024
PM Modi in Bhutan
SOLIDIFYING HISTORICAL TIES
By Prof. (Dr.) D.K. Giri
(Secretary General, Assn for Democratic Socialism)
Prime
Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Bhutan on 21-22 March was significant for
more than one reason. It was to counter China which is aggressively penetrating
to India’s neighbourhood. Recently, through the border talks, Beijing sent
overtures to Bhutan in order to dilute New Delhi’s historic ties with Thimphu. Second,
despite the pressure of electioneering, Modi dashed to Bhutan underscoring the
importance New Delhi attaches to its neighbourhood first policy. Third,
conferring the Order of the Druk Gyalpo on Prime Minister Modi is an evidence
of reciprocal importance Thimphu places on its ties with India. This honour is
the highest award Bhutan gives to anyone including all orders, decorations and
medals. The honour is testimony of India’s commitment to Bhutan’s growth,
prosperity and security.
Political
observers have wondered how a small country like Bhutan could be friendly for
so many years with a much bigger country like India. Bhutan has a geographically
area of 38,394 sq kms and a population of about 7.7 lakh whereas India’s territory
consists of 3.28 million sq kms and population of 140 crore plus. The asymmetry
in size and population is huge. Yet both the countries have remained the
closest partners in the region for over last 50 years and more. This is because
India treats other countries with respect and as equals as it should be between
two sovereign countries irrespective of their size and resources. Bhutan has
been having the trust and confidence in India to help it grow. India in return,
has lived up to that expectation.
The
latest in the bilateral relations between Bhutan and India is the development
of Gelephu project which is being built as a special economic zone to attract
foreign investment and advance prosperity for the Bhutanese kingdom. At the
same time, this is being developed as a Mindfulness city with environmental
security and spiritual well-being as the foremost concerns. The project will
focus on all-round human well-being with practices of yoga, relaxation,
recreation and spa therapies etc.
The
visit of King of Bhutan Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck in November 2023 was to
highlight the need and significance of such a project. The King spent quite a
bit of time both with Prime Minister Modi and President of India Draupadi
Murmu. Also, Bhutan’s Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay was in New Delhi just a
week before Modi’s visit. They had a lengthy discussion in Delhi. The
back-to-back visits by the Heads of governments of both countries signify the
attention placed on the relationship which manifests in their evolving
closeness.
Hydropower
cooperation is the main pillar of India’s relations with Bhutan. Several
hydropower joint projects have been commissioned and completed by both the
countries that supply clean electricity to India and Bhutan with a regular flow
of revenue. The delayed Punatsangchhu-II hydropower project is expected to be
completed in 2024. However, some rethinking is called for as several other
joint ventures on hydropower generation have not taken off.
The Government
of India has declared to double its development assistance from Rs 5,000 crore
in the 12th Five-Year Plan of Bhutan to Rs 10,000 crore. This is
quite a significant development. Prime Minister Modi inaugurated a women and
child hospital built with India’s support. Bilateralism with Bhutan in multiple
sectors has grown under the basic framework of India-Bhutan bilateral relations
in the form of Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation signed in 1949 and revised
in 2007.
Prime
Minister Modi’s visit had at least three dividends. First, it gave strong
message that India is committed to Bhutan’s development particularly in terms
of support to the upcoming Gelephu project that would facilitate India’s
increase in financial support. Second, Bhutan is an integral part of India’s
massive infrastructure initiative and also for energy exchanges. Both these
sectors are pushing sub-regional trade and trade and travel between India,
Bangladesh, Bhutan and Nepal. Third, the message through the visit should be
loud and clear that India is wary of Bhutan’s increased engagement with China. New
Delhi may reconcile to Bhutan signing a boundary agreement with Beijing but
will not brook China’s incursion into trade and investment in Bhutan. Beijing
has done so with India’s other close neighbours.
Without
doubt, New Delhi is concerned about the ongoing talks between Bhutan and China
on boundary agreement. In fact, the possible swap of land at Doklam to Bhutan’s
west is a threat to India’s Siliguri Corridor and it could threaten India’s
border connectivity projects in Arunachal Pradesh. Note that, Bhutan-China
boundary talks focus only on areas to Bhutan’s west and north, but China’s new
claims to Bhutan’s East have raised fears that Beijing is using these claims to
put pressure on Bhutan to fast-track the boundary talks or risk broadening the
disputed areas.
As
Bhutan appeared to be lenient to Beijing, Modi’s visit underlined India’s
perspective on the border talks. Accepting the award, Modi said, “India-Bhutan
ties are unbreakable and urged that India and Bhutan should remain vigilant about
their ties in the face of challenges within their countries as well as in the
neighbourhood.
Modi’s
visit to Bhutan, after the elections were announced, has raised some eyebrows.
Some people commented that he could go as a caretaker Prime Minister but cannot
initiate or conclude any agreements. Such visits during the operation of Code
of Conduct are perhaps unusual. But given the strategic importance of visit,
new conventions could be created in the national interest. So, the gesture was
meant to denote India’s commitment to Bhutan in particular and to the
government’s “neighbourhood first” policy.
In order
to enhance the bilateral relations, in the immediate future, New Delhi could
perhaps think of commencing direct flights from Mumbai/Delhi and Gelephu which
will increase the tourist traffic to Bhutan. Indians are looking for
alternative tourist sites after a bad spat in social media with Maldivians. New
Delhi also could transfer the knowledge and technology in building the Mindful
city; encourage business to set up retail shops in the city. The success of
Gelephu project will have economic spill-over in West Bengal and Assam region.
New
Delhi will have to react swiftly whenever China seeks to open an entry point to
inch nearer India threatening her security. Remember, China’s so-called ‘String
of Pearls’ in the Indian Ocean region to encircle India. Also, India should
always remember Mao Zedong’s Five Fingers of Tibet. China considers Tibet to be
its right hand palm with five fingers in its periphery – Ladakh, Nepal, Sikkim,
Bhutan and Arunachal Pradesh. Modi has done well to visit Bhutan at this
juncture. New Delhi should keep up the momentum even after the elections.---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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Politics Of Poverty: ARE POOR BETTER OFF?, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 27 March 2024 |
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Open Forum
New Delhi, 27 March 2024
Politics Of Poverty
ARE POOR BETTER OFF?
By Dhurjati Mukherjee
Lok
Sabha elections announced, all political parties are gearing up to woo the
electoral vote bank, specially the poor and reeling out promises and policies
if brought to power. Social security measures are being spelt out, but none specifically
talk of poverty eradication, though poverty analysis is an ongoing subject with
poverty lines being drawn based on different stipulations by varied agencies from
time to time. However, the fact remains that most of these analyses,
particularly of governments, are somewhat theoretical propositions and are
quite different from the ground reality. This is because the lack of
involvement of civil society groups during the process of collection of data as
also the trend to show lesser people are below the poverty line.
Recall
the somewhat irrational assessment by the chief of Niti Aayog stating that
poverty stands at just 5 per cent in the country. This observation drew flak
from different international organisations, not just Oxfam, though none thought
it worthwhile to comment. Such an observation may not be surprising, because in
reality the true conditions of the masses in the rural areas, specially the
backward districts of the country, are best hidden. Moreso, as every government
would seek to claim having improved their lot.
Judging
independently, while the political leadership makes tall claims, the agents of
political parties are found torturing the impoverished and backward sections
and grabbing their land though all this has not been adequately focussed in the
media, only scattered reports of the neglect that the poor face. The ground
situation doesn’t get the national attention as the information from grass-root
leaders is kept in wraps and the gap between the rich and the poor is startling.
The very
recent survey released by the National Sample Survey Office (NSSO) is an
indictor as its Household Consumption Expenditure Survey (HCSE) showed that the
richest 5 per cent of urban Indian households spend nearly 10 times more than
the poorest 5 per cent on food and other necessities such as children’s
education, medical treatment, clothing and transport during 2022-23. In rural
areas, the rich 5 per cent spend nearly eight times more than the poorest 5 per
cent, whose daily expenditure is as low as Rs 46.
Nine
states, including West Bengal, Odisha, Jharkhand, Bihar and Assam, lagged
behind the national average. In 2011-12, the average nationwide Monthly Per
Capita Consumption Expenditure (MPCE) figures were Rs 1459 and Rs 2630
respectively for rural and urban areas. This is obvious due to the fact that
the northern and eastern states lag behind those in western and southern part
of India. Judged from all angles, education, health and basic facilities are
grossly lacking in these states.
It has
been shown that rural monthly per capita consumption spending rose 164 per cent
from Rs 1430 in 2011-12 to Rs 3773 in 2022-23 whereas in urban centres, it shot
up 148 per cent from Rs 2630 to Rs 6459 during the same period. But during this
11-year period, there has been a perceptible increase in prices of food items
and this, on modest terms, almost doubled while, in some cases, to be more
accurate increased by around 80 per cent.
Any
analysis or report reveals the average, but this is somewhat misleading as this
does not quite reflect the spending power of the bottom 25 per cent of the
rural population. The inflationary conditions that have been manifest, both
during and after the pandemic severely affected the rural poor. While incomes
of at least 50 to 60 per cent becoming stagnant during the period comparisons
have been made, there can be no reason to feel that the poor or the
economically weaker sections are well off by any standards. Moreover, the very
fact that the government decided to give free rations to 80 crore people for 5
years proves that this section needs support.
Even for
the rich, the survey showed that the top 5 per cent in rural areas spend Rs
10,551 per month but this appears a gross understatement. Similarly, the 5 per cent
richest in urban areas are found to spend Rs 20,821. This finding, according to
several economists, is not quite correct as such people, who own multiple cars
and live in palatial bungalows and even go on foreign jaunts for shopping, the
figures are more than double of what has been revealed in the survey. While
accepting that surveys often grossly underestimate the spending of the rich, in
this instant case, the inaccuracy seems quite blatant.
Another
interesting finding related to the investigation of the poverty scenario is
India’s prevalence of so-called ‘zero-food’ children who have not eaten
anything whatsoever over a 24-hour period, assessed through snapshot surveys,
is comparable to the prevalence rates in the West African nations of Guinea,
Benin, Liberia and Mali. A study that used data from the Union Health Ministry’s
national family health survey for 2019-2021 estimated India’s prevalence of
zero-food children at 19.3 per cent, the third highest after Guinea’s 21.8 per cent
and Mali’s 20.5 per cent. The comparable figures are much lower in Bangladesh
(5.6 per cent), Pakistan (9.2 per cent), Nigeria (8.8 per cent) and Ethiopia
(14.8 per cent).
The main
question that has arisen is whether the Niti Aayog has measured poverty based
on the government’s flagship programmes, ignoring the standard parameters
adopted the world over. The government’s recent growth figures suggested the
consumption growth was 4.4 per cent. If people are getting more money, why are
they not buying basic stuff such as soap, hair oil, toothpaste, biscuit and so
on? The fast-moving consumer goods (FMCG) sector is not quite growing with
the slow consumption demand in the rural areas.
Finally,
it needs to be reiterated that tackling poverty or upgrading incomes of the
bottom layers of the population, specially in the rural and backward areas,
calls for a different approach to development. First and foremost is the need
for imposition of a ‘super tax’ of 2 per cent, or at least 1 per cent, on the
net wealth of the 167 wealthiest families in 2022-23 which would yield 0.5 per cent
or 0.25 per cent of national income in revenues and create valuable fiscal
space to fight poverty related issues.
Moreover,
innumerable projects, most of which are geared for the metropolises and cities,
must change, keeping in view not just the poverty and squalor of villagers but
also the significant benefits in numbers if even 50 per cent of the projects
are executed in rural areas. It is time that the political leadership adhere to
the recommendations of economists and sociologists and give a new thrust
to the rural sector. And while some good work has been done in recent years, much
more needs to be desired. ---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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Constitutional Morality: WHAT’S THE BIG DEAL?, By Poonam I Kaushish, 26 March 2024 |
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Political Diary
New Delhi, 26 March 2024
Constitutional
Morality
WHAT’S THE BIG DEAL?
By Poonam I Kaushish
Circa July 2023: “Idealism is good in politics, but if you
are kicked out, who cares!” asserted Maharashtra Dy Chief Minister Fadnavis,
adding, “I can’t promise that I do ethical politics 100%.”
Circa March 2024: “I will rule from jail....where does the
Constitution say that a Chief Minister cannot rule from jail, ” thundered Delhi Chief Minister Kejriwal and
AAP Chief arrested by Enforcement
Directorate (ED) late Thursday after ignoring 9 summons for his role in
irregularities and kickbacks in the now scrapped 2021 Delhi liquor policy.
There is an unmissable irony in the anti-corruprtion
crusader being hoist with corruption petard. Certainly, the merits of the case
will be settled by courts and law will take its course but the big question is not
whether Kejriwal resigns or not, neither is it about a convicted Tamil Nadu
Minister’s whose sentence was stayed by Supreme Court being sworn-in as
Minister, but all about ‘Constitutional morality’ and the influence this will
have on the political narrative in the approaching elections and democratic
values and ethos in coming years.
Alongside, it raises disturbing questions about our
democracy. That it does not strike any chord among our leaders who have reduced
graft to a farcical political pantomime. There is no sense of outrage or shame.
Can one compromise on corruption? Does politics force an indulgence on issues
of governance and probity? Is this part of political dharma?
Whereby politics has everything to do with acceptability,
little with credibility and public life is all compromises, not principles
dripping morality sermons but not practicing it. Today, it is finally official.
Politics in India has nothing to do with morality, accountability and healthy
conventions. Taint is the flavour of the new electoral political season.
Wherein power and smear go saath-saath. A sense of de ja vu overwhelms.
In the past
few months there have been numerous cases filed against and arrests of
Opposition leaders by ED-CBI in Jharkhand, Telangana, Tamil Nadu and West
Bengal. Namely, Jharkhand Chief Minister Soren and BRS leader Kavitha.
Whereby, new definitions of Constitutional
morality have become staple diet post-Nehru era when Ministers resigned owning
moral responsibility even for a train accident. Proclaimed a Minister: “I
cannot be held guilty for any subordinate’s mistake. Otherwise, we will have a
spate of ministerial resignations landing on Prime Minister’s table every
day”.
Clearly Kejriwal-speak is
reminiscent of RJD Chief Lalu Yadav. Charge-sheeted over chara ghotala 1997, the ex-Bihar Chief Minister and Union Railway
Minister asserted, “Where does the Constitution say a Chief Minister duly
elected by people should resign merely on being charge-sheeted by policemen?
Who is CBI or Central Government to tell me to do so? I will rule from jail if
imprisoned... Kaunsi naitikta aur
bhrastaachar ki baat kar rahe hain. What has morality to do with politics?”
But even he resigned and anointed wife Rabri as Chief Minister.
In our netagans ‘moral’ vocabulary politics has
everything to do with acceptability, little with credibility and public life is
all compromises, not principles dripping morality sermons but not practicing
it. Wring your hands all you want, but that does not take away from the fact
that morality, honesty and integrity are words non-existent in political
vocabulary.
A fine distinction is
drawn between a “politically-motivated” charge and actual conviction. Such is
the intoxicating nasha of power that
all conveniently choose to shrug it off. Dismissed at best as an aberration and
at worst a squeaky knee with which one can live with.
More. If you are jaani dushman phir aap chor hai unfit to
rule, leave alone provide good and honest governance? If jigar dost, toh surf’s safedi
ki chamkan winners who can commit no sin, will go to any extent to prove
(sic) their honesty.
In this
you-scratch-my-back-I’ll-scratch-yours culture, our polity in their collective
conscience willingly abets. Taint, what are you talking about? What’s the big deal about it? Feigning
ignorance and playing dumb, blind and deaf about their corrupt misdemeanors.
Remember, an honest man is one who hasn’t been caught!
Whereby, every Party and its leaders
have perfected the art of beguiling saddling us with opportunists and liars.
Exposing the disdain with which our netagan
holds democracy and voters. Thereby, exposing politics of the worst kind,
cultivating low morality and high greed --- and need of the hour.
A power-play when
personality-oriented malicious vilification seems to have became the hallmark
of democracy. Sans shared ideology and mutual objectives. This pithily is aaj ki rajneeti.
Alas, so caught up in
the verbose of one-upmanship are all that none stops to think and ponder
implications of their actions. The tragedy? In this winner take-all-fight
governance and people go for a toss. Satta
batoan aur tamasha dekho! What matters is only the end game: Gaddi.
Questionably, does the
electorate want honest politicians and a clean Government? Are there no honest
and capable netas? Doesn’t seem so as
a "clean politician" sounds like an oxymoron, a breed that no longer
exists. Most distressing is that it doesn’t strike any chord anywhere.
Alas, in a chor-chor-mauser-bhai political milieu
our leaders have left it to the “call of conscience” of individual leaders.
Happily, all follow the principle of “politics of direct sale”. Appalling, none
have time for the gasping and groaning aam
aadmi who reels under the onslaught of spiralling prices and unemployment.
Moreover, we demand
moral responsibility only when we are short-changed. In this market model of
democracy it is a misnomer to believe that netas
are governed by ideology. Instead, there is a tendency to capture the imagination
of the people by creating a spectacle alongside money which makes the clogged,
polluted and corrupt political mare go around.
Importantly, India is
today at the moral crossroads. Gone are the days of Gandhi, Nehru and Patel.
The moot point is: Will immorality and taint be allowed to become the bedrock
of our Parliamentary democracy? Basically, is it good for democracy to have
such people as Ministers? When those who are supposed to lead become saboteurs,
it is time to call a spade a spade.
At stake today is not
only the functioning of the largest democracy but its moral agenda which is
more substantive than partisan politics. Consequently, where we go from here
would depend on how citizens use democratic levers available to them.
In this immoral
political desert and barren discourse, voters have to make tough calls. No
longer can we merely shrug our shoulders and dismiss it as political kalyug. Thus, in this game of lies,
deceit and deception, BJP, Congress and regional outfits reflect the emerging
truth of today’s India. Power is all. Arguably, one can say this is what
democracy is about.
The challenge lies in
overhauling our system of governance. The ‘Conduct of Politics’ necessitates morality,
values, reliability, integrity, credibility, conviction and courage. There
should be no scope for any lingering doubt or suspicion that politics is the
last refuge of a scoundrel. As nothing costs a nation more than cheap
politicians!
One can only recall
Prof. Galbraith: “There is nothing wrong with Indian laws or with its political
and judicial institutions. What ails India is the moral poverty”. Can a nation
continue to be bereft of all sense of shame and morality --- and for how long?
---- INFA
(Copyright
India News & Feature Alliance)
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